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On the other hand, its experience and networking may prove invaluable in future Talks. Moreover, since the 'war on terror' began in the early s, many states have been increasingly concerned about the possible proliferation of nuclear weapons to terrorist states or organizations. As a result, the EU has played an increasingly.

It was created in as one of the founding treaties that were signed to create the European Economic Community. It has changed little over the years and the main objectives remain nuclear safety, nuclear safeguards and nuclear security. The European Atomic Energy Community is highly knowledgeable and experienced in dealing with what the European Commission calls, 'nuclear safety', 'nuclear safeguards' and 'nuclear security'.

European Commission 'Energy: Nuclear Energy', see www. ENS, n.

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Since the DPRK is primarily focused on developing weapons, and not providing constant energy supplies to its citizens, we can once again make the assertion that in a realistic model of the situation, the DPRK will under no circumstances give up its nuclear weapons program. Yoon and Suh , p.

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Clearly, the DPRK will not listen to any state or organization over its nuclear weapons program. The Six-Party Talks, should they restart under the networking of the EU need to focus on new policies, not denuclearization. Despite the fact that KEDO failed, it still represents a milestone in the relations between the EU and the Six Party members, as well as providing valuable lessons for future negotiations and cooperation.

This paper suggests the following lessons should be considered;. The first lesson learned is joining the project from the start. Having joined in , the atmosphere had arguably dampened and the momentum had been somewhat lost. Even though the SPTs already exist, they have been stalled since and a gap of eight years is more than enough to represent a new start.

The second lesson that can be learned from the failure of KEDO is the need to maintain "sustained, high-level political leadership" Stanley Foundation, The paper from the Stanley Foundation provides strong arguments for the lead to be taken by the EU in any future multilateral organizations similar to KEDO.

The report criticized the leadership of KEDO's Executive Board for: allowing KEDO to develop as a "technical organization rather than one integral to the ongoing and successful fulfillment of the Agreed Framework in its broadest. The third lesson that should be learned is not to focus on technical operations.


This was too specific to the nuclear aspect and not a solution that could have produced spillovers within the North Korean economy. The fourth lesson learned is that KEDO was too democratic and lacked official leadership; essentially too many cooks. The fifth lesson is for a steadfast approach to fulfilling the agreement. The author suggests that KEDO's failure to carry on with its project, even despite the DPRK's violations, shows a lack of commitment to peace in the region.

This paper takes the stance that up until the present, the Six Party Talks have been based around two competing theories of international relations, namely realism and liberalism: realism on the basis of the strands of defensive and structural realism; and liberalism based around the idealistic approach of the Parties for denuclearization.

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  • In particular, the 'security dilemma' is particularly evident in Northeast Asia. Taking this into account, and the high possibility that militarism will lead to an eventual conflict, the EU is primed to step in and counter the growing military forces with its functionalist "civilian power". In order to do so a constructive framework must be developed and implemented.

    Friedrichs' analysis of theoretical approaches to European integration also follows the social constructivist approach since "European integration is a contested ground where different theoretical approaches are competing for the most convincing account of an empirical domain" Friedrichs, , pp. In , John Ruggie, along with Friedrich Kratochwil, argued that the neorealist and neoliberal theories alone could not explain how states transform and systems change, since Waltz's theory of neorealism is "unable to explain 'systems change', especially the transition from one form of states system to another" Hobson, , p.

    The Western approaches to regionalism and globalization are well documented with the aforementioned liberal and realist approaches, as well as the world order based on polarity. In addition, the dominance of the Western powers economically through institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund which induce economic interdependence is not new but needs addressing and comparing with Asian ways.

    Once we can differentiate between the social systems in each region, then it becomes clearer that simply applying Western approaches to Northeast Asia, and in particular, the Six Party Talks, will not work and as such a more constructive approach needs to be applied. Effectively, Jacques was implying that the American "Imperium" advocated by Katzenstein is coming to an end.

    Katzenstein's focus on regionalism in the modern international system focuses on what he describes as "porousness", referring to the fact that through globalization regions that are "closed" and do not interact with others suffer as a result, whereas those regions which are more open, for example Europe and Asia, undergo transformations. However, the difficulty in combining the approaches of liberalism and realism are summed up by Martin Jacques , who notes that in the modern world there is not one system, or "western modernity" as he calls it, but instead there are multiple "modernities", i.

    The question thus arises, how do these different systems cooperate and co-exist? Through social constructivism we can try and build a relationship between the regions that develops respect, trust and knowledge through epistemological constructivism. Takeshi Hamashita studied the impact of Western systems on the East Asian structure, establishing that the presence of the Europeans and their dominance was not the sole reason why the structure of East Asia changed in the late nineteenth century.

    This definition is based on the definitions by leading scholars Giddens , Cox , and Scholte Internationalization is defined nicely by Katzenstein , p. The heavy influence of the Dutch in Japan in the nineteenth century and the willingness of the Japanese to open up and allow more trade, and the trade control that the British applied over China following the Opium Wars in the s were symbolic of European dominance globally, but otherwise Northeast Asia remained isolated. After the Meiji restoration in the latter half of the nineteenth century, Japan then embarked upon a Western-style expansion through imperialism, dominating the region until the end of WWII.

    The importance of this is that Asia has always been relatively outside of the imperial sphere of influence of Europe. When the Europeans arrived in the region and began to exert some influence, Hamashita continues, it coincided with a policy shift within the Ching dynasty that had been imposed following a mercantilist approach, but backfired causing many Chinese to trade privately overseas. Yet before the arrival of the Europeans the Chinese had dominated Asian politics.

    Hamashita, The tributary system26 is considered to be the standard explanation of how Asian politics was dominated by the Chinese. Scheidel's concise description of the evolution of the two systems draws on several important factors. Firstly, the European system is fragmented, with the powers competing amongst themselves, eventually settling on sovereign rights. Secondly, the modern concept of a nation-state was born in Europe—which is widely accepted as the Westphalian system—but this differs greatly from the Asian system of a core-oriented empire.

    Thirdly, the duration that the Asians have been able to maintain some semblance of a united—and I use the word 'united' lightly—system for far longer by over a thousand years than that of the western, European states. Based on this, it is more logical to conclude that the Chinese should be the actor that forges unity amongst all Northeast Asian states. What has changed has been the dominant entry into Asia of the USA with its aggressive foreign policy and strategic targeting of certain states, leading to a fractured Asian system.

    Katzenstein mentions that Germany, in Europe, and Japan, in Asia, became "client states" allowing the Americans to occupy their territories and having high influence over their domestic affairs. After two thousand years of Chinese. With regards to the USA, it too has only a short history of approximately years, but even in its early years it could not maintain unity amongst all of the states, leading in the s to secession of 11 states from the Union and starting a civil war.

    This is important in understanding why the Republic of Koreaa is so conformative to US approaches, but also why the North Koreans are so threatened by US hegemony and dominance.

    Asian Security Handbook: Terrorism And The New Security Environment (East Gate Book)

    In doing so, certain nation-states became easy targets for the USA to dominate under neo-imperialist tendencies. Citing Vernon ; , Katzenstein notes, "After , the growth of American multinational corporation supported both liberal arguments that sovereignty was "at bay" and realist ones that a political "storm" was brewing over multinational corporations.

    The EU, on the other hand, pre-occupied with their own economic and political rebuilding after World War II and subsequent withdrawal from their Asian colonies, in effect abandoned Asia during the Cold War and only returned with renewed interest in the s once the Asian Tigers and China were beginning to boom economically. As stated by Smith , p.

    Asian Security Handbook Terrorism And The New Security Environment East Gate Book

    In addition, one of the leading scholars on constructivism, Nicholas Onuf points out that even though constructivism is not a theory itself, it "makes it feasible to theorize about matters that seem to be unrelated because the concepts and propositions normally used to talk about such matters are also unrelated. The Asians have historically followed a tributary system based on the Chinese civilization state, whereas oppositely, the Western countries have followed a treaty-based system which protects sovereignty in a legally binding manner.

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    • The state-centric approach has slowly begun to lose steam in many Western countries,. Within Europe the Mitranian approach of functionalism has seen the state-centered European nations take the rational choice to share sovereignty and integrate economically, politically and socially, albeit through a system of legally-based treaties encompassing a strong institutional structure. For Asia, the sovereign states must now also start to adapt to the globalizing world and system. Whilst defending their own traditional form of political and social interactions, they must balance opening up to integrate themselves in the multilateral fora and IGOs to be considered as equals in the international system, whilst simultaneously protecting their sovereign rights.

      This section takes a brief look at the perspectives of each party with regards to their relations with both the EU and North Korea. The EU is seen as a civilian entity that promotes values of democracy and non-discrimination through its foreign policy tools of trade and cooperation agreements. Thus far, other than KEDO, it has had very little political interaction with the DPRK, especially since , but on the other hand has provided large amounts of aid over the past several years.

      It could promote a networking system through the newly established EEAS. However, a sticking point could be the declarations against the DPRK's nuclear program and its general support for sanctions against the regime. The US' perspective is somewhat different. This is further hindered by the decline in relations between the EU and the USA in recent years, most notably regarding the US' frustration at decision-making procedures within the Union. However, the US does recognize the EU as playing a vital role in global humanitarian aid and this could be the stepping stone for further cooperation.

      Table 1. In addition, public opinion regarding improved relations is necessary, especially given the current lack of trust in domestic Korean politics. The key actor of China is becoming an important pivot between success and failure in any talks. With regards to the EU-China relationship, the ongoing arms embargo against China could reduce cooperation and trust-building, whilst the situation regarding Taiwan could be an unwanted distraction and source of conflict.

      More importantly, the Chinese government is now coming to realise that denuclearization is not possible and maintaining stability should be the main goal.